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Verwacht over 7 weken Levertijd We doen er alles aan om dit artikel op tijd te bezorgen. Verkoop door bol. In winkelwagen Op verlanglijstje. Andere verkopers 1. Snelste levering. Gratis verzending 30 dagen bedenktijd en gratis retourneren Kies zelf het bezorgmoment Dag en nacht klantenservice. Anderen bekeken ook. Kurke Police Psychology into the 21st Century , Noreen Tehrani Workplace Trauma 47, Paul Mutsaers Police Unlimited 78,99 59, John C. In Canada, unions can be divided into four main types: 1 national; 2 international; 3 independent local organization; and 4 directly chartered local.

Footnote 3 A strong majority Compared to , there was little change in representation by type of organization. Directly chartered locals and independent local organizations made up the majority of unions In , the total number of unions stood at Eight of those unions — five of which were national and three international — represented , or more workers each Appendix 4.

The eight comprised The 18 unions with between 50, and , workers represented Just 1. Footnote 4. This situation was relatively unchanged from While affiliation with the CLC rose slightly 0. In , two independent unions joined a larger labour organization: the University of New Brunswick Employees Association and its members merged with Unifor to form Local ; and the New Frontier Independent Association, with 50 members, merged with the Service Employees International Union to form Local In , there were a number of legislative changes affecting unions and collective bargaining in Canada.

A significant change was made to the federal labour relations system with the coming into force of Bill C, the Employees' Voting Rights Act, on June 16, Bill C modified the union certification and revocation of certification decertification rules under three federal relations statutes: the Canada Labour Code, the Parliamentary Employment and Staff Relations Act and the Public Service Labour Relations Act. In November , the Government of Saskatchewan enacted The Saskatchewan Employment Essential Services Amendment Act, , which obliges public service employers and unions to negotiate essential services agreements prior to a work stoppage.

In the event an essential service agreement substantially interferes with the right to strike, collective bargaining impasses must be resolved through binding mediation-arbitration. This legislation was enacted in response to a January finding of the Supreme Court of Canada SCC that the province's Public Service Essential Services Act was unconstitutional for, among other things, allowing public sector employers to unilaterally designate which workers are essential, thereby substantially interfering with workers' freedom of association and their right to strike.

Fyfe, "Who Shoots? With this information, you can evaluate the use of deadly force in your department. You can also evaluate the long-term trends in shootings. Are shootings increasing or decreasing? Has there been a recent upsurge? How does the department compare with other departments — are officers shooting at a significantly higher rate in your department than elsewhere?

Use of physical force. You need to know how frequently police officers in your city use physical force in the day-to-day course of their encounters with citizens. Do officers try to refrain from using such force against citizens, or do they quickly and casually resort to force? In its report on the Los Angeles Police Department in the aftermath of the March beating of Rodney King, the Christopher Commission confirmed a long held suspicion: A small number of officers were involved in an extraordinarily high percentage of use-of-force incidents.

Ten percent of the officers accounted for The Commission was able to identify 44 such officers who were not disciplined despite the fact that they were the subjects of numerous citizen complaints. In , the U. Civil Rights Commission found a similar pattern in Houston and recommended, as a remedy, that police departments establish "early warning systems" to identify officers with high rates of citizen complaints. Patterns in the use of physical force reveal a lot about the "culture" of a particular police department.

Clearly, a department whose officers repeatedly engage in physically coercive conduct needs reform. Police officials often deny that their personnel are prone to using force inappropriately, so if your community believes it has a problem in this area citizens must be able to support their claims with existing data, or data they have gathered themselves. Official policies. You need to know what your local police department's formal, written policies are on how officers are supposed to behave in particular situations.

How does the department treat domestic violence complaints? What is the policy on how officers are supposed to deal with homeless people? Does the department use canine patrols and, if so, under what circumstances? In examining official policies, you need to evaluate them in comparison to recommended standards. You need to know how many lawsuits citizens have filed against your local police department. You'll want to know what the charges were, the number of officers involved, whether certain officers are named repeatedly in suits, what was the outcome and, in the case of successful suits, how much the city paid in damages.

The number of lawsuits filed against a police department can be very revealing.


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This kind of information can be used to mobilize middle-class taxpayers and "good-government" activists, who can then be brought into a community coalition against police abuse. These data indicate a clear pattern of racial discrimination. The disparity between whites and blacks shot and killed is extreme in the category of persons "unarmed and not assaultive. These are classic "fleeing felon" situations in which, prior to , Memphis Police Department policy and the common law of many states permitted officers to use deadly force.

Supreme Court ruled that it is unconstitutional for a police officer to shoot a suspected felon in flight who does not pose an immediate danger to the officer or public. The case — Tennessee v. Garner — involved Edward Garner, a 15 year-old black youth who, though unarmed, was shot and killed while trying to flee the scene of a suspected burglary.

Minority employment. You'll need to know how many African Americans, Latinos, Asians, other minorities and women are employed by your police department and their distribution throughout the department's ranks. This information is useful in assessing, again, the "culture" of your local police department — is it internally diverse, fair and equitable? It also suggests how much value the department places on the "human relations" aspects of its work, and how responsive it is to community concerns. Police business is generally shrouded in secrecy, which conceals outdated policies and departmental inertia, encourages cover-ups and, of course, breeds public suspicion.

But remember: Police departments are an arm of government, and the government's business is your business. Police policies, procedures, memoranda, records, reports, tape recordings, etc. Demanding information about police practices is an important part of the struggle to establish police accountability. Indeed, a campaign focused solely on getting information from the police can serve as a vehicle for organizing a community to tackle police abuse.

Regarding all of the following categories, one of the tactics your community could employ is to interest a local investigative journalist in seeking information from the police for a series of articles. Once in hand, the information your community has collected or helped to expose is a tool for holding the police accountable for their actions. Police work remains dangerous, and many police officers contend that they need greater freedom to use deadly force today because of the increase in heavily armed drug gangs. But in fact, police work is much less dangerous than it used to be.

The number of officers killed in the line of duty is half of what it was nearly 20 years ago. According to the FBI, the number of officers killed dropped from in to 67 in That reduced death rate is even more dramatic considering the increase in the number of police officers on duty in the field. Police officers are rarely the victims of "drive-by" gang shootings. Innocent by-standers and rival gang members have been the victims.

Police Shootings. Virtually every big city police department has this information on hand, since officers are required to file a report after every firearms discharge. However, departments don't usually release the information voluntarily. Strong civilian review boards in a few cities now publish the information. As for repeat shooters, this information exists in police reports, but police departments vigorously resist identifying repeat shooters.

There are several ways to proceed —.


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  • Physical Force. There are three potential sources of data on police use of physical force —. Official Policies. Your police department has a Standard Operating Procedure SOP manual it may have another title that contains the official policies of the department. The SOP manual is a public document and should be readily available. Some departments place current copies in local libraries. Others treat it as an internal document not available to the public — a practice which is unacceptable. Demand to see the manual, if your department withholds it.

    As a last resort, you may be able to file suit under your state's open records law to obtain the SOP manual. Lawsuits brought against police departments are matters of public record. Records of suits brought in state courts reside at your local state courthouse; of suits brought in federal district court, at the nearest federal courthouse. The Lexis computer database is a source of published opinions in civilian suits brought against the police.

    However, collecting information from any of these sources is a very laborious task.

    Language selection

    In the back of this manual, find the name and address of your local ACLU and other organizations. Minority Employment. Official data on this issue are generally available from your local police department. If the police stonewall, you can get the information from the city's personnel division. The point is to evaluate the police department's minority employment record relative to local conditions.

    Using current data, compare the percentage of a particular group of people in the local population with that group's representation on the police force. If, for example, Latinos are 30 percent of the population but only 15 percent of the sworn officers, then your police department is only half way toward achieving an ideal level of diversity. Civilian review of police activity was first proposed in the s because of widespread dissatisfaction with the internal disciplinary procedures of police departments.

    Many citizens didn't believe that police officials took their complaints seriously. They suspected officials of investigating allegations of abuse superficially at best, and of covering up misconduct. The theory underlying the concept of civilian review is that civilian investigations of citizen complaints are more independent because they are conducted by people who are not sworn officers.

    At first, civilian review was a dream few thought would ever be fulfilled. But slow, steady progress has been made, indicating that it's an idea whose time has come. By the end of , more than 75 percent of the nation's largest cities more than 80 cities across the country had civilian review systems. Civilian review advocates in every city have had to overcome substantial resistance from local police departments. One veteran of the struggle for civilian review has chronicled the stages of police opposition as follows —.

    Strong community advocacy is necessary to overcome resistance, even after civilian review is established. Civilian review systems create a lot a confusion because they vary tremendously. Some are more "civilian" than others. Some are not boards but municipal agencies headed by an executive director who has been appointed by, and is accountable to, the mayor.

    Your community's campaign should seek a strong, fully-independent and accessible civilian review system. But even with a weak system, you can press for changes to make it more independent and effective. Considerable progress has been made in the area of police misconduct in the use of deadly force. Although the rate of deadly force abuse is still intolerably high, national data reveal reductions in the number of persons shot and killed by the police since the mids — as much as to 40 percent in our 50 largest cities.

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    This has been accompanied by a significant reduction in the racial disparities among persons shot and killed: since the s, from about six people of color to one white person, down to three people of color to one white. This progress serves as a model for controlling other forms of police behavior. And was achieved though hard work and perseverance. In the mids, police departments began developing restrictive internal policies on the use of deadly force.

    They adopted the "defense of life" standard: the use of deadly force only when the life of an officer or some other person is in danger. In , the Supreme Court finally upheld this standard in the case of Tennessee v. Garner see table. However, the majority of policies adopted by police departments go beyond the Court's Garner decision, prohibiting warning shots, shots to wound and other reckless actions. Most important, these policies require officers to file written reports after each firearm discharge, and require that those reports be reviewed by higher-ranking officers.

    Citizens should also be able to find out whether the department disciplines officers who violate its policy, and whether certain officers are repeatedly involved in questionable incidents. The department's policies, rules and procedures are designed to ensure that this value guides police officers' use of firearms. RULES — The policy stated above is the basis of the following set of rules that have been designed to guide officers in all cases involving the use of firearms —.

    RULE 1 — Police officers shall not discharge their firearms except to protect themselves or another person from imminent death or serious bodily injury. RULE 2 — Police officers shall discharge their firearms only when doing so will not endanger innocent persons. RULE 3 — Police officers shall not discharge their firearms to threaten or subdue persons whose actions are destructive to property or injurious to themselves but which do not represent an imminent threat of death or serious bodily injury to the officer or others.

    RULE 4 — Police officers shall not discharge their firearms to subdue an escaping suspect who presents no imminent threat of death or serious bodily injury. RULE 5 — Police officers shall not discharge their weapons at a moving vehicle unless it is absolutely necessary to do so to protect against an imminent threat to the life of the officer or others. RULE 6 — Police officers when confronting an oncoming vehicle shall attempt to move out of the path, if possible, rather than discharge their firearms at the oncoming vehicle.

    RULE 7 — Police officers shall not intentionally place themselves in the path of an oncoming vehicle and attempt to disable the vehicle by discharging their firearms. RULE 8 — Police officers shall not discharge their firearms at a fleeing vehicle or its driver. RULE 10 — Police officers shall not draw or display their firearms unless there is a threat or probable cause to believe there is a threat to life, or for inspection. Your community's principal aim here should be to get the police department to adopt and enforce a written policy governing the use of physical force.

    This policy should have two parts —. Your community's second objective should be to get the police department to establish an early warning system to identify officers who are involved in an inordinate number of inappropriate physical force incidents. The incidents should then be investigated and, if verified, the officers involved should be charged, disciplined, transferred, retrained or offered counseling, depending on the severity of their misconduct.

    Police spying or intelligence gathering on legal but politically unpopular activities is a problem. And it's particularly difficult to deal with because spying, by definition, is a covert activity, unknown to either the victim or other witnesses. During the s, the ACLU and other organizations brought lawsuits against unconstitutional police surveillance in several cities around the country, including New York City, Chicago, Memphis and Los Angeles. The result was increased controls on police spying.

    In , Seattle residents discovered local police were spying on organizations of black construction workers, local Republican Party operatives, Native Americans, advocates for low-income housing and other activists whose conduct was perfectly lawful. After several years of hard work and lobbying, the coalition succeeded in bringing about passage of a comprehensive municipal law — the first of its kind in the country — that governs all police investigations and restricts the collection of political, religious and sexual information.

    Called the Seattle Police Intelligence Ordinance, this law is a model for responsible police intelligence operations —. Police policies should be subject to public review and debate instead of being viewed as the sole province of police insiders. Open policy-making not only allows police officials to benefit from community input, but it also provides an opportunity for police officials to explain to the public why certain tactics or procedures may be necessary.

    This kind of communication can help anticipate problems and avert crises before they occur. The Police Review Commission a civilian review body of Berkeley, California, holds regular, bi-monthly meetings that are open to the public where representatives of community organizations can voice criticisms, make proposals and introduce resolutions to review or reform specific police policies. The Project has also prevented the adoption of an anti-loitering rule, a policy that would have made demonstrators financially liable for police costs, and other bad policies.

    Composed of both civilian and police representatives, it has the authority to initiate investigations of controversial incidents or questionable policies, and other oversight functions. Citizens' groups in some communities have historically demanded more education and training for police officers as part of their efforts to solve the problem of police abuse.

    But today, this seems a less crucial issue in many police departments because the educational levels of American police officers have risen dramatically in recent years. In , only 3. By that figure had risen to The levels of education are highest among new recruits, who in many departments have about two years of college. The training of police personnel has also improved significantly in recent years. The average length of police academy programs has more than doubled, from about to over hours; in some cities, or even hours are the rule.

    As the time devoted to training has increased, the academies have added a number of important subjects to their curricula: race relations, domestic violence, handling the mentally ill, and so on. Unquestionably, a rigorously trained, professional police force is a desirable goal that should be pursued depending on local conditions.

    If citizens in your community feel that this is an important issue —.

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    Unfortunately, even the most enlightened training programs can be undermined by veteran officers, who traditionally tell recruits out in the field to "forget all that crap they taught you in the academy. In San Francisco some years ago, men selected as field training officers FTOs were found to have some of the worst complaint and litigation records in the department.

    The evaluation scores they gave recruits revealed their systematic attempts to weed out minority and women officers. They labeled women recruits "bad drivers," gave Asians low scores in radio communication and unfairly criticized African Americans for their report-writing. The Northern California ACLU's Police Practices Project joined other community groups in successfully pressuring the police department to adopt stricter selection criteria for FTOs to ensure greater racial and gender integration, fairer evaluations of recruits and higher quality training.

    Historically, police departments, like other government agencies, have engaged in employment discrimination. People of color have been grossly underrepresented, and women were not even accepted as full-fledged officers until the s. Some progress has been made in the last 20 years or so. Police departments in several cities now have significant numbers of officers who are people of color. A few departments even approach the theoretically ideal level of maintaining forces that reflect the racial composition of the communities they serve.

    Most departments now recruit and assign women on an equal basis with men. Improvements in police employment practices have come about largely as the result of litigation under existing civil rights laws. However, the courts may not be hospitable to employment discrimination claims in the future.

    Therefore, community groups and civil rights organizations should prepare to fight in the political arena for the integration of police departments. In the short term, the recruitment of more women and minority officers may not result in less police abuse. Several social science studies suggest that minority and white officers do not differ greatly in their use of physical or deadly force, or in their arrest practices. Female officers, on the other hand, are involved in citizen complaints at about half the rate of male officers, according to the New York City CCRB.

    Still, in the long term, an integrated police force is a very important goal for these reasons —. Every state now has procedures for certifying or licensing police officers. These require all sworn officers to have some minimum level of training. This was one of the advances of the late s and early s. An important new development is the advent of procedures for decertifying officers. Traditionally, a police officer could be fired from one department but then hired by another. As a result, persons guilty of gross misconduct could continue to work as police officers. Decertification bars a dismissed officer from further police employment in that state though not necessarily in some other state.

    Between and , the Florida Criminal Justice Standards and Training Commission decertified police officers. Be aware, however, that the state commission must have sufficient power and resources to investigate misconduct complaints, and must vigorously exercise its authority. One result of the increasing number of lawsuits brought against police departments by victims of abuse over the past 20 years came from within the police profession. It was a movement for an accreditation process, similar to that in education and other fields, whereby the police would establish and enforce their own professional standards.

    In deciding whether your community should press for accreditation of its local police department, keep in mind these basic points —. Citizens in your particular community must decide whether, taking all of the above into account, accreditation would serve as an effective mobilization tool. Once your community has identified its police problems and decided what solutions to pursue, an organizing strategy for securing the desired reform must be developed.

    During the tenure of Chief Justice Earl Warren, landmark Supreme Court decisions that imposed nationally uniform limits on police behavior were handed down in the cases of Mapp v. Ohio , Escobedo v. Illinois and Miranda v. Respectively, those decisions extended Fourth Amendment protection against unreasonable searches and seizures to the states, established the Sixth Amendment right to a lawyer during police interrogations and required the police to inform persons taken into custody of their Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination.

    Rehnquist demonstrates repeated hostility to individual rights. Many lower federal courts, the majority of whose presiding judges were appointed by Presidents Ronald Reagan and George Bush, follow this trend. More and more, therefore, the task of opposing police abuse falls not to lawyers, but to the citizens in the communities.

    The following profiles of successful organizing strategies can guide your community's attempts to effectively challenge police abuse. The year is The coalition, co-chaired by the Executive Director of the Urban League and a designee of the Indiana Civil Liberties Union, was instrumental in the establishment of a civilian review board in , despite considerable political opposition. Since that time, it has worked to strengthen the authority of that body, which still lacks jurisdiction over police shooting fatalities.

    A recent series of highly publicized episodes of police misconduct, culminating in an incident in August, , which newspapers dubbed "the police brawl" lent new urgency to the Coalition's efforts.

    The role of police unions

    Representatives of the Coalition were tapped by the Greater Indianapolis Process Committee to serve on a Working Group of citizens charged with reviewing the Civilian Review Process and recommending changes in jurisdiction and composition. A co-chair of the Coalition served as co-chair of the Working Group. The broad-based Coalition is credited by many for drawing attention to management problems within the Indianapolis Police Department in addition to the tensions between officers and minority communities.

    The Coalition's research provided the basis for the deliberations of the Working Group; even more important, once the Working Group has delivered its recommendations, monitoring the resulting process will be the responsibility of the Coalition. Key to the Coalition's success has been its broadbased composition and its commitment to participatory decision-making. Copwatch is a community organization whose stated purpose is "to reduce police harassment and brutality," and "to uphold Berkeley's tradition of tolerance and diversity. Copwatch sends teams of volunteers into the community on three-hour shifts.

    Each team is equipped with a flashlight, tape recorder, camera, "incident" forms see sample form and Copwatch Handbooks that describe the organization's non-violent tactics, relevant laws, court decisions, police policies and what citizens should do in an emergency. If they have witnessed an harassment incident, they call one of the organization's cooperating lawyers, who follows up on the incident.

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    Copwatch holds weekly meetings, and its activists attend public meetings of the Police Review Commission. It publishes a quarterly newsletter, Copwatch Report, which features a "Cop Blotter" column that describes examples of police misconduct "gleaned from Copwatch incident reports. Although the group's impact has not been studied, Copwatch activists are convinced that their monitoring activities deter and, thus, reduce harassment and abuse. During confirmation hearings for a new Seattle police chief, it comes to light that the city's police department maintains political intelligence files on citizens who are not suspected of any criminal activity.

    Some time later, a local newspaper prints the names of individuals that were found in police files. A group of citizens, concerned about this clear violation of First Amendment and privacy rights, forms the Coalition on Government Spying. One of the coalition's first acts is to file suit under the Washington public disclosure law, seeking access to the police department's intelligence files. Under the law, the police can refuse to disclose the files only if "nondisclosure is essential to effective law enforcement.

    The coalition's charges of abuse turn out to be well-founded. Not only do the files show that the police have engaged in unconstitutional surveillance of political activists, but they are full of inaccurate, misleading and damaging information. The lawsuit and its revelations receive a lot of media attention, which helps build strong public support for reform.