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Specialise in early childhood, primary or secondary education. Apply now to study in January. Curtin is widely recognised for its achievements in applied research. Our research areas are focused on solving real-world problems. Byers objected that such exceptions would invite disaster. The conflict escalated. Byers brandished penalties for games televised without approval.

Penn contemplated seeking antitrust protection through the courts. Byers issued a contamination notice, informing any opponent scheduled to play Penn that it would be punished for showing up to compete. Byers won. Penn folded in part because its president, the perennial White House contender Harold Stassen, wanted to mend relations with fellow schools in the emerging Ivy League, which would be formalized in When Notre Dame also surrendered, Byers conducted exclusive negotiations with the new television networks on behalf of every college team.

Joe Rauh Jr. Byers and Rauh selected a few teams for television exposure, excluding the rest. Byers routed all contractual proceeds through his office. He floated the idea that, to fund an NCAA infrastructure, his organization should take a 60 percent cut; he accepted 12 percent that season. For later contracts, as the size of television revenues grew exponentially, he backed down to 5 percent. Only one year into his job, Byers had secured enough power and money to regulate all of college sports. The NFL got its antitrust exemption.

But the big football powers grumbled about the portion of the television revenue diverted to nearly a thousand NCAA member schools that lacked major athletic programs. They chafed against cost-cutting measures—such as restrictions on team size—designed to help smaller schools. Byers faced a rude internal revolt. But this time the universities of Georgia and Oklahoma responded with an antitrust suit. In the landmark NCAA v.

Board of Regents of the University of Oklahoma decision, the U. Coaches and administrators no longer had to share the revenue generated by their athletes with smaller schools outside the football consortium.

A few years earlier, this blow might have financially crippled the NCAA—but a rising tide of money from basketball concealed the structural damage of the Regents decision. During the s, income from the March Madness college basketball tournament, paid directly by the television networks to the NCAA, grew tenfold. The windfall covered—and then far exceeded—what the organization had lost from football. Still, Byers never forgave his former deputy Chuck Neinas for leading the rebel consortium.

After retiring in , Byers let slip his suppressed fury that the ingrate football conferences, having robbed the NCAA of television revenue, still expected it to enforce amateurism rules and police every leak of funds to college players. Years later, as we will see, lawyers would seize upon his words to do battle with the NCAA.

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News stories revealed that schools went to extraordinary measures to keep academically incompetent athletes eligible for competition, and would vie for the most-sought-after high-school players by proffering under-the-table payments. By , as the size of NCAA headquarters increased yet again with a ,square-foot expansion, a third Knight Commission was groping blindly for a hold on independent college-athletic conferences that were behaving more like sovereign pro leagues than confederations of universities.

And still more money continued to flow into NCAA coffers. Was he a school employee, like his peers who worked part-time as teaching assistants and bookstore cashiers? Or was he a fluke victim of extracurricular pursuits? Given the hundreds of incapacitating injuries to college athletes each year, the answers to these questions had enormous consequences. The term student-athlete was deliberately ambiguous.

College players were not students at play which might understate their athletic obligations , nor were they just athletes in college which might imply they were professionals. That they were high-performance athletes meant they could be forgiven for not meeting the academic standards of their peers; that they were students meant they did not have to be compensated, ever, for anything more than the cost of their studies. When Waldrep regained consciousness, Bear Bryant, the storied Crimson Tide coach, was standing over his hospital bed. Waldrep was paralyzed: he had lost all movement and feeling below his neck.

After nine months of paying his medical bills, Texas Christian refused to pay any more, so the Waldrep family coped for years on dwindling charity. He also, through heroic rehabilitation efforts, recovered feeling in his arms, and eventually learned to drive a specially rigged van. Clearly, TCU had provided football players with equipment for the job, as a typical employer would—but did the university pay wages, withhold income taxes on his financial aid, or control work conditions and performance?

This game is always a highlight of the football season because of the historic rivalry between the two schools, and the edition had enormous significance, pitting the defending national champion Crimson Tide against the undefeated Tigers, who were aiming for their first championship since I expected excited fans; what I encountered was the throbbing heart of college sports. The game, perhaps the most exciting of the season, was unbearably tense, with Auburn coming from way behind to win 28—27, all but assuring that it would go on to play for the national championship.

This left Newton conveniently eligible for the Southeastern Conference championship game and for the postseason BCS championship bowl. For the NCAA, prudence meant honoring public demand. NCAA v. It is rich but insecure. The athletes, and the league officials, are acutely aware of this extraordinary arrangement. William Friday, the former North Carolina president, recalls being yanked from one Knight Commission meeting and sworn to secrecy about what might happen if a certain team made the NCAA championship basketball game.

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Skeptics doubted such a diabolical plot. These were college kids—unlikely to second-guess their coaches, let alone forfeit the dream of a championship. Still, it was unnerving to contemplate what hung on the consent of a few young volunteers: several hundred million dollars in television revenue, countless livelihoods, the NCAA budget, and subsidies for sports at more than 1, schools. Cognizant of its precarious financial base, the NCAA has in recent years begun to pursue new sources of revenue. Video-game technology also allows nostalgic fans to relive and even participate in classic moments of NCAA Basketball.

All of this money ultimately derives from the college athletes whose likenesses are shown in the films or video games. But none of the profits go to them. Some athletes have gone beyond talk. A series of lawsuits quietly making their way through the courts cast a harsh light on the absurdity of the system—and threaten to dislodge the foundations on which the NCAA rests.

District Court in San Francisco. His suit quickly gathered co-plaintiffs from basketball and football, ex-players featured in NCAA videos and other products. Likewise, to claim the NCAA profits off student-athlete likenesses is also pure fiction. If so, does it actually undermine the NCAA by implicitly recognizing that athletes have a property right in their own performance?

The NCAA rarely tangles with such people, who are apt to fight back and win. The late Myles Brand, who led the NCAA from to , defended the economics of college sports by claiming that they were simply the result of a smoothly functioning free market. He and his colleagues deflected criticism about the money saturating big-time college sports by focusing attention on scapegoats; in , outrage targeted sports agents. I have no respect for people who do that to young people.

NCAA officials have tried to assert their dominion—and distract attention from the larger issues—by chasing frantically after petty violations. At the start of the football season, A. The NCAA sentenced Green to a four-game suspension for violating his amateur status with the illicit profit generated by selling the shirt off his own back.

This summer, in an attempt to satisfy NCAA investigators, Ohio State voluntarily vacated its football wins from last season, as well as its Sugar Bowl victory. The moral logic is hard to fathom: the NCAA bans personal messages on the bodies of the players, and penalizes players for trading their celebrity status for discounted tattoos—but it codifies precisely how and where commercial insignia from multinational corporations can be displayed on college players, for the financial benefit of the colleges.

In , Andrew Oliver, a sophomore pitcher for the Oklahoma State Cowboys, had been listed as the 12th-best professional prospect among sophomore players nationally. He decided to dismiss the two attorneys who had represented him out of high school, Robert and Tim Baratta, and retain Boras instead.

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The investigator also questioned his father, Dave, a truck driver. A yes would mean trouble. The questioning lasted past midnight. Just hours before the game was to start the next day, Oklahoma State officials summoned Oliver to tell him he would not be pitching.

The baseball coach did not even let his ace tell his teammates the sad news in person. The Olivers went home to Ohio to find a lawyer. Rick Johnson, a solo practitioner specializing in legal ethics, was aghast that the Baratta brothers had turned in their own client to the NCAA, divulging attorney-client details likely to invite wrath upon Oliver. Judge Tygh M. Tone, of Erie County, came to share his outrage. Yet the victory was only temporary. Wounded, the NCAA fought back with a vengeance.

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When Oliver and Johnson accepted, to extricate themselves ahead of burgeoning legal costs, Judge Tone was compelled to vacate his orders as part of the final settlement. This freed NCAA officials to reassert the two bylaws that Judge Tone had so forcefully overturned, and they moved swiftly to ramp up rather than curtail enforcement.

The survey asked whether an agent had conducted negotiations. It also requested a signed release waiving privacy rights and authorizing professional teams to disclose details of any interaction to the NCAA Eligibility Center. But then he ran into the new NCAA survey. Had Boras negotiated with the Blue Jays? Boras has denied that he did, but it would have made sense that he had—that was his job, to test the market for his client. Since Paxton was planning to go back to school and not accept their draft offer, the Blue Jays no longer had any incentive to protect him—indeed, they had every incentive to turn him in.

Kentucky courts deferred to the university, however, and Paxton was suspended from the team.

Paxton was stranded. Not only could he not play for Kentucky, but his draft rights with the Blue Jays had lapsed for the year, meaning he could not play for any minor-league affiliate of Major League Baseball. Once projected to be a first-round draft pick, Paxton saw his stock plummet into the fourth round. He remained unsigned until late in spring training, when he signed with the Seattle Mariners and reported to their minor-league camp in Peoria, Arizona.

Bereft of his scholarship, he was flailing about for help when he discovered the National College Players Association, which claims 7, active members and seeks modest reforms such as safety guidelines and better death benefits for college athletes. Agnew was struck by the NCPA scholarship data on players from top Division I basketball teams, which showed that 22 percent were not renewed from to —the same fate he had suffered.

In October , Agnew filed a class-action antitrust suit over the cancellation of his scholarship and to remove the cap on the total number of scholarships that can be awarded by NCAA schools. In his suit, Agnew did not claim the right to free tuition. He merely asked the federal court to strike down an NCAA rule, dating to , that prohibited colleges and universities from offering any athletic scholarship longer than a one-year commitment, to be renewed or not, unilaterally, by the school—which in practice means that coaches get to decide each year whose scholarships to renew or cancel.

Agnew argued that without the one-year rule, he would have been free to bargain with all eight colleges that had recruited him, and each college could have decided how long to guarantee his scholarship. Tidbits leaked into the press. You might as well shoot them in the head.

Academic performance has always been difficult for the NCAA to address. Any detailed regulation would intrude upon the free choice of widely varying schools, and any academic standard broad enough to fit both MIT and Ole Miss would have little force. From time to time, a scandal will expose extreme lapses.

Senate Subcommittee on Education, Arts, and Humanities, when admitting that he had been functionally illiterate in college. Within big-time college athletic departments, the financial pressure to disregard obvious academic shortcomings and shortcuts is just too strong. In the s, Jan Kemp, an English instructor at the University of Georgia, publicly alleged that university officials had demoted and then fired her because she refused to inflate grades in her remedial English courses.

When Kemp filed a lawsuit against the university, she was publicly vilified as a troublemaker, but she persisted bravely in her testimony. Traumatized, Kemp twice attempted suicide. In trying to defend themselves, Georgia officials portrayed Kemp as naive about sports. The committee consisted of an elite coterie of judges, athletic directors, and authors of legal treatises.

In , a series of unlikely circumstances peeled back the veil of secrecy to reveal NCAA procedures so contorted that even victims marveled at their comical wonder. The saga began in March of , shortly after the Florida State Seminoles basketball team was knocked out of the NIT basketball tournament, which each spring invites the best teams not selected for the March Madness tournament.

At an athletic-department study hall, Al Thornton, a star forward for the team, completed a sports-psychology quiz but then abandoned it without posting his written answers electronically by computer. The teammate complied, steaming silently, and then complained at the athletic office about getting stuck with clean-up chores for the superstar Thornton who was soon to be selected by the Los Angeles Clippers in the first round of the NBA draft.

Second, because this would be its seventh major infraction case since , FSU mounted a vigorous self-investigation to demonstrate compliance with NCAA academic rules. Third, interviews with Seminoles athletes unleashed a nightmare of matter-of-fact replies about absentee professors who allowed group consultations and unlimited retakes of open-computer assignments and tests. Fourth, FSU suspended 61 of its athletes in 10 sports. Sixth, one of the penalties announced in March of caused a howl of protest across the sports universe.

Twenty-seven news organizations filed a lawsuit in hopes of finding out how and why the NCAA proposed to invalidate 14 prior victories in FSU football. This was sacrosanct territory.

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Sports reporters followed the litigation for six months, reporting that 25 of the 61 suspended FSU athletes were football players, some of whom were ruled ineligible retroactively from the time they had heard or yelled out answers to online test questions in, of all things, a music-appreciation course.

Tarkanian , which exempted the organization from any due-process obligations because it was not a government organization. News interest quickly evaporated when the sports media found nothing in the record about Coach Bowden or the canceled football victories. But the transcript revealed plenty about the NCAA. On page 37, T. Wetherell, the bewildered Florida State president, lamented that his university had hurt itself by cooperating with the investigation.