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The going of a long particle publishing pp. The SOFC maximum is the one of the form in cells of range of pageviews, but it adds original anyone of devices not affecting knowledge. Some drugs are excluded from coverage altogether and Part D plans that cover excluded drugs are not allowed to pass those costs on to Medicare, and plans are required to repay CMS if they are found to have billed Medicare in these cases. Under the law that created Medicare Part D, the Social Security Administration offers an Extra Help program to lower-income seniors such that they have almost no drug costs; in addition approximately 25 states offer additional assistance on top of Part D.

It should be noted again for beneficiaries who are dual-eligible Medicare and Medicaid eligible Medicaid may pay for drugs not covered by Part D of Medicare. Most of this aid to lower-income seniors was available to them through other programs before Part D was implemented.

Coverage by beneficiary spending is broken up into four phases: deductible, initial spend, gap infamously called the "donut hole" , and catastrophic. This is just a template and about half of all Part D plans differ for example, no initial deductible, better coverage in the gap with permission of CMS, which it typically grants as long as the sponsor provides at least the actuarial equivalent value.

No part of Medicare pays for all of a beneficiary's covered medical costs and many costs and services are not covered at all. The program contains premiums , deductibles and coinsurance, which the covered individual must pay out-of-pocket. A study published by the Kaiser Family Foundation in found the Fee-for-Service Medicare benefit package was less generous than either the typical large employer preferred provider organization plan or the Federal Employees Health Benefits Program Standard Option. Most Medicare enrollees do not pay a monthly Part A premium, because they or a spouse have had 40 or more 3-month quarters in which they paid Federal Insurance Contributions Act taxes.

The benefit is the same no matter how much or how little the beneficiary paid as long as the minimum number of quarters is reached. Medicare-eligible persons who do not have 40 or more quarters of Medicare-covered employment may buy into Part A for an annual adjusted monthly premium of:. Medicare Part B premiums are commonly deducted automatically from beneficiaries' monthly Social Security checks.

They can also be paid quarterly via bill sent directly to beneficiaries. This alternative is becoming more common because whereas the eligibility age for Medicare has remained at 65 per the legislation, the so-called Full Retirement Age for Social Security has been increased to 66 and will go even higher over time. Therefore, many people delay collecting Social Security but join Medicare at 65 and have to pay their Part B premium directly.

Part C plans may or may not charge premiums almost all do , depending on the plans' designs as approved by the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services. Part D premiums vary widely based on the benefit level. Part A — For each benefit period , a beneficiary pays an annually adjusted:. The deductibles, co-pays, and coinsurance charges for Part C and D plans vary from plan to plan. Original Medicare does not include an OOP limit.

These Medigap insurance policies are standardized by CMS, but are sold and administered by private companies. Some Medigap policies sold before may include coverage for prescription drugs. Medigap policies sold after the introduction of Medicare Part D on January 1, are prohibited from covering drugs.

Medicare regulations prohibit a Medicare beneficiary from being sold both a public Part C Medicare health plan and a private Medigap Policy. These policies are regulated by state insurance departments rather than the federal government although CMS outlines what the various Medigap plans must cover at a minimum. Therefore, the types and prices of Medigap policies vary widely from state to state and the degree of underwriting, discounts for new members, and open enrollment and guaranteed issue rules also varies widely from state to state.

As of , 11 policies are currently sold—though few are available in all states, and some are not available at all in Massachusetts, Minnesota and Wisconsin although these states have analogs to the lettered Medigap plans. These plans are standardized with a base and a series of riders. Cost is usually the only difference between Medigap policies with the same letter sold by different insurance companies in the same state.

All insurance companies that sell Medigap policies are required to make Plan A available, and if they offer any other policies, they must also make either Plan C or Plan F available as well, though Plan F is scheduled to sunset in the year Anyone who currently has a Plan F may keep it.

History of Insurance; 400 AD - Today

Many of the insurance companies that offer Medigap insurance policies also sponsor Part C health plans but most Part C health plans are sponsored by integrated health delivery systems and their spin-offs, charities, and unions as opposed to insurance companies. Medicare contracts with regional insurance companies to process over one billion fee-for-service claims per year. For the decade — Medicare is projected to cost 6. For institutional care, such as hospital and nursing home care, Medicare uses prospective payment systems.

In a prospective payment system, the health care institution receives a set amount of money for each episode of care provided to a patient, regardless of the actual amount of care.

Who is at risk of such diseases?

The actual allotment of funds is based on a list of diagnosis-related groups DRG. The actual amount depends on the primary diagnosis that is actually made at the hospital. There are some issues surrounding Medicare's use of DRGs because if the patient uses less care, the hospital gets to keep the remainder. This, in theory, should balance the costs for the hospital.

However, if the patient uses more care, then the hospital has to cover its own losses. This results in the issue of "upcoding," when a physician makes a more severe diagnosis to hedge against accidental costs. Payment for physician services under Medicare has evolved since the program was created in Initially, Medicare compensated physicians based on the physician's charges, and allowed physicians to bill Medicare beneficiaries the amount in excess of Medicare's reimbursement.

The MEI was designed to measure changes in costs of physician's time and operating expenses, adjusted for changes in physician productivity. From to , the yearly change in fees was determined by legislation. This was done because physician fees were rising faster than projected. The Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act of made several changes to physician payments under Medicare. Firstly, it introduced the Medicare Fee Schedule, which took effect in Secondly, it limited the amount Medicare non-providers could balance bill Medicare beneficiaries.

From to , adjustments to physician payments were adjusted using the MEI and the MVPS, which essentially tried to compensate for the increasing volume of services provided by physicians by decreasing their reimbursement per service. This was done because of highly variable payment rates under the MVPS. The SGR attempts to control spending by setting yearly and cumulative spending targets. In , payment rates were cut by 4. In , payment rates were scheduled to be reduced by 4. In and , payment rates were again scheduled to be reduced. The Medicare Modernization Act P.

In , the SGR mechanism was scheduled to decrease physician payments by 4. Congress overrode this decrease in the Deficit Reduction Act P. Similarly, another congressional act held payments at their levels, and HR held physician payments to their levels, and provided for a 1. MFS has been criticized for not paying doctors enough because of the low conversion factor. By adjustments to the MFS conversion factor, it is possible to make global adjustments in payments to all doctors.

The SGR was the subject of possible reform legislation again in The American Medical Association and other medical groups opposed it, asking Congress to provide a permanent solution instead of just another delay. There are two ways for providers to be reimbursed in Medicare.

Some non participating doctors do not take assignment, but they also treat Medicare enrollees and are authorized to balance bill no more than a small fixed amount above Medicare's approved rate. A minority of doctors are "private contractors" from a Medicare perspective, which means they opt out of Medicare and refuse to accept Medicare payments altogether. These doctors are required to inform patients that they will be liable for the full cost of their services out-of-pocket, often in advance of treatment.

While the majority of providers accept Medicare assignments, 97 percent for some specialties , [64] and most physicians still accept at least some new Medicare patients, that number is in decline. The study led by Dr. Miriam J. Chemotherapy and other medications dispensed in a physician's office are reimbursed according to the Average Sales Price, [68] a number computed by taking the total dollar sales of a drug as the numerator and the number of units sold nationwide as the denominator.

Pharmaceutical company discounts and rebates are included in the calculation of ASP, and tend to reduce it.

Healthcare System

Some patients have supplemental insurance or can afford the co-pay. Large numbers do not. This leaves the payment to physicians for most of the drugs in an "underwater" state. This procedure is scheduled to change dramatically in under a CMS proposal that will likely be finalized in October Payments are made on a quarterly basis, rather than claim-by-claim, and are handled by each area's Medicare carrier. If the individual chooses not to enroll in Part B typically because the individual is still working and receiving employer insurance , then the individual must proactively opt out of it when receiving the automatic enrollment package.

Delay in enrollment in Part B carries no penalty if the individual has other insurance e. An individual who does not receive Social Security benefits upon turning 65 you must proactively join Medicare if they want it. Penalties may apply if the individual chooses not to enroll at age 65 and does not have other insurance. You must pay the higher premium for twice the number of years you could have had Part A, but didn't sign-up. For example, if you were eligible for Part A for 2 years but didn't sign-up, you must pay the higher premium for 4 years. Usually, you don't have to pay a penalty if you meet certain conditions that allow you to sign up for Part A during a Special Enrollment Period.

Part B Late Enrollment Penalty If you don't sign up for Part B when you're first eligible, you may have to pay a late enrollment penalty for as long as you have Medicare. Usually, you don't pay a late enrollment penalty if you meet certain conditions that allow you to sign up for Part B during a special enrollment period. Medicare differs from private insurance available to working Americans in that it is a social insurance program.

Social insurance programs provide statutorily guaranteed benefits to the entire population under certain circumstances, such as old age or unemployment. These benefits are financed in significant part through universal taxes. In effect, Medicare is a mechanism by which the state takes a portion of its citizens' resources to provide health and financial security to its citizens in old age or in case of disability, helping them cope with the enormous, unpredictable cost of health care.

In its universality, Medicare differs substantially from private insurers, which must decide whom to cover and what benefits to offer to manage their risk pools and ensure that their costs don't exceed premiums. Because the federal government is legally obligated to provide Medicare benefits to older and disabled Americans, it cannot cut costs by restricting eligibility or benefits, except by going through a difficult legislative process, or by revising its interpretation of medical necessity.

By statute, Medicare may only pay for items and services that are "reasonable and necessary for the diagnosis or treatment of illness or injury or to improve the functioning of a malformed body member", unless there is another statutory authorization for payment. Because Medicare offers statutorily determined benefits, its coverage policies and payment rates are publicly known, and all enrollees are entitled to the same coverage.

In the private insurance market, plans can be tailored to offer different benefits to different customers, enabling individuals to reduce coverage costs while assuming risks for care that is not covered. Insurers, however, have far fewer disclosure requirements than Medicare, and studies show that customers in the private sector can find it difficult to know what their policy covers. Medicare also has an important role driving changes in the entire health care system. Because Medicare pays for a huge share of health care in every region of the country, it has a great deal of power to set delivery and payment policies.

For example, Medicare promoted the adaptation of prospective payments based on DRG's, which prevents unscrupulous providers from setting their own exorbitant prices. Over the long-term, Medicare faces significant financial challenges because of rising overall health care costs, increasing enrollment as the population ages, and a decreasing ratio of workers to enrollees. From to , Medicare enrollment is projected to increase dramatically, from 47 million to 79 million, and the ratio of workers to enrollees is expected to decrease from 3.

There is some evidence that productivity gains will continue to offset demographic trends in the near future. The Congressional Budget Office CBO wrote in that "future growth in spending per beneficiary for Medicare and Medicaid—the federal government's major health care programs—will be the most important determinant of long-term trends in federal spending.

Changing those programs in ways that reduce the growth of costs—which will be difficult, in part because of the complexity of health policy choices—is ultimately the nation's central long-term challenge in setting federal fiscal policy. Overall health care costs were projected in to increase by 5. In fact, since the per-capita cost of private coverage has grown roughly one percentage point faster each year than the per-capita cost of Medicare.

Since the late s, Medicare has performed especially well relative to private insurers. Much of the debate over the future of Medicare revolves around whether per capita costs should be reduced by limiting payments to providers or by shifting more costs to Medicare enrollees. Several measures serve as indicators of the long-term financial status of Medicare. The major issue in all these indicators is comparing any future projections against current law vs.

For example, current law specifies that Part A payments to hospitals and skilled nursing facilities will be cut substantially after and that doctors will get no raises after The actuaries expect that the law will change to keep these events from happening. This measure, which examines Medicare spending in the context of the US economy as a whole, is projected to increase from 3.

This measure involves only Part A. The trust fund is considered insolvent when available revenue plus any existing balances will not cover percent of annual projected costs. According to the latest estimate by the Medicare trustees , the trust fund is expected to become insolvent in 8 years , at which time available revenue will cover around 85 percent of annual projected costs for Part A services.

Each year, MMA requires the Medicare trustees to make a determination about whether general fund revenue is projected to exceed 45 percent of total program spending within a seven-year period. If the Medicare trustees make this determination in two consecutive years, a "funding warning" is issued. In response, the president must submit cost-saving legislation to Congress, which must consider this legislation on an expedited basis. This threshold was reached and a warning issued every year between and but it has not been reached since that time and is not expected to be reached in the "window.

Medicare's unfunded obligation is the total amount of money that would have to be set aside today such that the principal and interest would cover the gap between projected revenues mostly Part B premiums and Part A payroll taxes to be paid over the timeframe under current law and spending over a given timeframe. By law the timeframe used is 75 years though the Medicare actuaries also give an infinite-horizon estimate because life expectancy consistently increases and other economic factors underlying the estimates change.

In addition, as discussed throughout each annual Trustees' report, "the Medicare projections shown could be substantially understated as a result of other potentially unsustainable elements of current law. Popular opinion surveys show that the public views Medicare's problems as serious, but not as urgent as other concerns. In January , the Pew Research Center found 62 percent of the public said addressing Medicare's financial problems should be a high priority for the government, but that still put it behind other priorities.

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The Government Accountability Office lists Medicare as a "high-risk" government program in need of reform, in part because of its vulnerability to fraud and partly because of its long-term financial problems. Robert M. Ball, a former commissioner of Social Security under President Kennedy in and later under Johnson, and Nixon defined the major obstacle to financing health insurance for the elderly: the high cost of care for the aged combined with the generally low incomes of retired people.

Because retired older people use much more medical care than younger employed people, an insurance premium related to the risk for older people needed to be high, but if the high premium had to be paid after retirement, when incomes are low, it was an almost impossible burden for the average person. The only feasible approach, he said, was to finance health insurance in the same way as cash benefits for retirement, by contributions paid while at work, when the payments are least burdensome, with the protection furnished in retirement without further payment.

Insurers such as Blue Cross , which had originally applied the principle of community rating , faced competition from other commercial insurers that did not community rate, and so were forced to raise their rates for the elderly. Medicare is not generally an unearned entitlement. Entitlement is most commonly based on a record of contributions to the Medicare fund. As such it is a form of social insurance making it feasible for people to pay for insurance for sickness in old age when they are young and able to work and be assured of getting back benefits when they are older and no longer working.

Health Insurance Medical Loss Ratios (State Implementation Report)

Some people will pay in more than they receive back and others will receive more benefits than they paid in. Unlike private insurance where some amount must be paid to attain coverage, all eligible persons can receive coverage regardless of how much or if they had ever paid in. Bruce Vladeck, director of the Health Care Financing Administration in the Clinton administration, has argued that lobbyists have changed the Medicare program "from one that provides a legal entitlement to beneficiaries to one that provides a de facto political entitlement to providers.

A study by the Government Accountability Office evaluated the quality of responses given by Medicare contractor customer service representatives to provider physician questions. The evaluators assembled a list of questions, which they asked during a random sampling of calls to Medicare contractors. As a result, MEDICARE customer service representatives CSR have seen an increase in training, quality assurance monitoring has significantly increased, and a customer satisfaction survey is offered to random callers. In most states the Joint Commission , a private, non-profit organization for accrediting hospitals, decides whether or not a hospital is able to participate in Medicare, as currently there are no competitor organizations recognized by CMS.

Other organizations can also accredit hospitals for Medicare. Accreditation is voluntary and an organization may choose to be evaluated by their State Survey Agency or by CMS directly. Medicare funds the vast majority of residency training in the US. This tax-based financing covers resident salaries and benefits through payments called Direct Medical Education payments. Medicare also uses taxes for Indirect Medical Education, a subsidy paid to teaching hospitals in exchange for training resident physicians.

At the same time the cost of medical services continue rising rapidly and many geographic areas face physician shortages, both trends suggesting the supply of physicians remains too low. Medicare thus finds itself in the odd position of having assumed control of the single largest funding source for graduate medical education, currently facing major budget constraints, and as a result, freezing funding for graduate medical education, as well as for physician reimbursement rates. This has forced hospitals to look for alternative sources of funding for residency slots.

However, some healthcare administration experts believe that the shortage of physicians may be an opportunity for providers to reorganize their delivery systems to become less costly and more efficient. Physician assistants and Advanced Registered Nurse Practitioners may begin assuming more responsibilities that traditionally fell to doctors, but do not necessarily require the advanced training and skill of a physician.

Of the 35, total active applicants who participated in The National Resident Matching Program in , Out of the total active applicants, In comparison, match rates were By , the diagnosis-related group DRG replaced pay for service reimbursements to hospitals for Medicare patients. President Bill Clinton attempted an overhaul of Medicare through his health care reform plan in — but was unable to get the legislation passed by Congress. Bush signed into law on December 8, Part of this legislation included filling gaps in prescription-drug coverage left by the Medicare Secondary Payer Act that was enacted in As of , Medicare Advantage plans cost, on average, 13 percent more per person insured for like beneficiaries than direct payment plans.

The Senate, after heavy lobbying from the insurance industry, declined to agree to the cuts in Medicare Advantage proposed by the House. Several provisions of the law were designed to reduce the cost of Medicare. The most substantial provisions slowed the growth rate of payments to hospitals and skilled nursing facilities under Parts A of Medicare, through a variety of methods e. Congress also attempted to reduce payments to public Part C Medicare health plans by aligning the rules that establish Part C plans' capitated fees more closely with the FFS paid for comparable care to "similar beneficiaries" under Parts A and B of Medicare.

Primarily these reductions involved much discretion on the part of CMS and examples of what CMS did included effectively ending a Part C program Congress had previously initiated to increase the use of Part C in rural areas the so-called Part C PFFS plan and reducing over time a program that encouraged employers and unions to create their own Part C plans not available to the general Medicare beneficiary base so-called Part C EGWP plans by providing higher reimbursement.

These efforts to reach parity have been more than successful. But whether that is because the cost of the former decreased or the cost of the latter increased is not known. PPACA also slightly reduced annual increases in payments to physicians and to hospitals that serve a disproportionate share of low-income patients. Limits were also placed on out-of-pocket costs for in-network care for public Part C health plan enrollees.

Beneficiaries on traditional Medicare do not get such a limit but can effectively arrange for one through private insurance. Meanwhile, Medicare Part B and D premiums were restructured in ways that reduced costs for most people while raising contributions from the wealthiest people with Medicare. The PPACA instituted a number of measures to control Medicare fraud and abuse, such as longer oversight periods, provider screenings, stronger standards for certain providers, the creation of databases to share data between federal and state agencies, and stiffer penalties for violators.

The law also created mechanisms, such as the Center for Medicare and Medicaid Innovation to fund experiments to identify new payment and delivery models that could conceivably be expanded to reduce the cost of health care while improving quality. As legislators continue to seek new ways to control the cost of Medicare, a number of new proposals to reform Medicare have been introduced in recent years. Since the mids, there have been a number of proposals to change Medicare from a publicly run social insurance program with a defined benefit, for which there is no limit to the government's expenses, into a publicly run health plan program that offers "premium support" for enrollees.

Sponsors would compete to provide Medicare benefits and this competition would set the level of fixed contribution.

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Additionally, enrollees would be able to purchase greater coverage by paying more in addition to the fixed government contribution. Conversely, enrollees could choose lower cost coverage and keep the difference between their coverage costs and the fixed government contribution. This concept is basically how public Medicare Part C already works but with a much more complicated competitive bidding process that drives up costs for the Trustees, but is very advantageous to the beneficiaries. There have been a number of criticisms of the premium support model.

Some have raised concern about risk selection, where insurers find ways to avoid covering people expected to have high health care costs. Paul Ryan R — Wis. Currently public Part C Medicare health plans avoid this issue with an indexed risk formula that provides lower per capita payments to sponsors for relatively remember all these people are over 65 healthy plan members and higher per capita payments for less healthy members.

A number of different plans have been introduced that would raise the age of Medicare eligibility. Since the age at which Americans can retire with full Social Security benefits is rising to 67, it is argued that the age of eligibility for Medicare should rise with it though people can begin receiving reduced Social Security benefits as early as age Ultimately Kaiser found that the plan would raise total social costs by more than twice the savings to the federal government.

Currently, people with Medicare can get prescription drug coverage through a public Medicare Part C plan or through the standalone Part D prescription drug plans PDPs program. Each plan sponsor establishes its own coverage policies and could if desired independently negotiate the prices it pays to drug manufacturers.

But because each plan has a much smaller coverage pool than the entire Medicare program, many argue that this system of paying for prescription drugs undermines the government's bargaining power and artificially raises the cost of drug coverage. Conversely, negotiating for the sponsors is almost always done by one of three or four companies typically tied to pharmacy retailers each of whom alone has much more buying power than the entire Medicare program.

That pharmacy-centric vs. Many look to the Veterans Health Administration as a model of lower cost prescription drug coverage. Since the VHA provides healthcare directly, it maintains its own formulary and negotiates prices with manufacturers. There are other proposals for savings on prescription drugs that do not require such fundamental changes to Medicare Part D's payment and coverage policies. Manufacturers who supply drugs to Medicaid are required to offer a 15 percent rebate on the average manufacturer's price.

Low-income elderly individuals who qualify for both Medicare and Medicaid receive drug coverage through Medicare Part D, and no reimbursement is paid for the drugs the government purchases for them. Reforming care for the " dual-eligibles ". Roughly nine million Americans—mostly older adults with low incomes—are eligible for both Medicare and Medicaid. These men and women tend to have particularly poor health — more than half are being treated for five or more chronic conditions [] —and high costs.

The dual-eligible population comprises roughly 20 percent of Medicare's enrollees but accounts for 36 percent of its costs. Many experts have suggested that establishing mechanisms to coordinate care for the dual-eligibles could yield substantial savings in the Medicare program, mostly by reducing hospitalizations. Such programs would connect patients with primary care, create an individualized health plan, assist enrollees in receiving social and human services as well as medical care, reconcile medications prescribed by different doctors to ensure they do not undermine one another, and oversee behavior to improve health.

There is some controversy over who exactly should take responsibility for coordinating the care of the dual eligibles. There have been some proposals to transfer dual eligibles into existing Medicaid managed care plans, which are controlled by individual states. Medicare has more experience managing the care of older adults, and is already expanding coordinated care programs under the ACA, [] though there are some questions about private Medicare plans' capacity to manage care and achieve meaningful cost savings.

Both House Republicans and President Obama proposed increasing the additional premiums paid by the wealthiest people with Medicare, compounding several reforms in the ACA that would increase the number of wealthier individuals paying higher, income-related Part B and Part D premiums. If the brackets mandated for were implemented today, [ when?

More limited income-relation of premiums only raises limited revenue. Currently, only 5 percent of Medicare enrollees pay an income-related premium, and most only pay 35 percent of their total premium, compared to the 25 percent most people pay. Only a negligible number of enrollees fall into the higher income brackets required to bear a more substantial share of their costs—roughly half a percent of individuals and less than three percent of married couples currently pay more than 35 percent of their total Part B costs.

There is some concern that tying premiums to income would weaken Medicare politically over the long run, since people tend to be more supportive of universal social programs than of means-tested ones. Some Medicare supplemental insurance or "Medigap" plans cover all of an enrollee's cost-sharing, insulating them from any out-of-pocket costs and guaranteeing financial security to individuals with significant health care needs.

Many policymakers believe that such plans raise the cost of Medicare by creating a perverse incentive that leads patients to seek unnecessary, costly treatments. Many argue that unnecessary treatments are a major cause of rising costs and propose that people with Medicare should feel more of the cost of their care to create incentives to seek the most efficient alternatives.

Various restrictions and surcharges on Medigap coverage have appeared in recent deficit reduction proposals. There is some evidence that claims of Medigap's tendency to cause over-treatment may be exaggerated and that potential savings from restricting it might be smaller than expected. Individuals who face high charges with every episode of care have been shown to delay or forgo needed care, jeopardizing their health and possibly increasing their health care costs down the line.

The problem could be exaggerated among the Medicare population, which has low levels of health literacy. The following congressional committees provide oversight for Medicare programs: []. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. United States single-payer national social insurance program. Medicare cards. A sample of the Medicare card format used through The ID number is the subscriber's Social Security number , followed by a suffix indicating the holder's relationship to the subscriber generally "A" for self.

A sample of the new Medicare cards mailed out in and depending on state of residence on a Social Security database. The new ID number is randomly generated and not tied to any personally identifying information. Main article: Medicare Advantage. Main article: Medigap. This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. Main article: Medicare fraud. This section needs expansion with: with separate more detailed descriptions of legislation and reforms. You can help by adding to it.

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